The public will be watching the Khurelsukh government for its reaction to massive allegations of misuse at the SME Fund.
By Julian Dierkes and Mendee Jargalsaikhan
Political frustration has been building in democratic Mongolia for
several years now as allegations of corruption have become a drag on
policy decisions. Last week, another corruption scandal broke and is now
engulfing nearly all of the political leadership. Could this be the
scandal that brings Mongolians onto the streets to bring about a major
shift in political culture?
The SME Fund
In 2009, the Mongolian government expanded the Small and Medium
Enterprises Development Fund (Жижиг, дунд үйлдвэрийг хөгжүүлэх сан,
often abbreviated as Ждүхс or Ждү) to support small- and medium-sized
enterprises (SME). This was a moment just before the boom years
associated with the initial construction at the giant Oyu Tolgoi copper
mine, which saw Mongolia attain the highest rate of growth in the world
in 2011.
The fund provided companies with low-interest loans at 3 percent
interest up to five years and 2 billion Mongolian tugrik (roughly
$780,000 at today’s exchange rate). The Fund is reported to have
dispersed loans totaling nearly 700 billion tugrik, amounting to several
hundred million U.S. dollars.
The fund was created in and continues to be overseen by the
now-Ministry of Food, Agriculture, and Light Industry. As it has
emerged, oversight was lax.
Investigative Journalism Instead of Smear Campaigns
Investigative journalists, especially Ch Bolortuya and her colleagues
at Ikon.mn, have been essential in bringing the abuse of the SME Fund
to light. Many of the companies that received loans are tied to
prominent politicians through ownership of the SMEs that benefited.
Journalists and some civil society activists, most notably B Otgontugs,
an education economist and professor at the National University of
Mongolia, have been relying on leaked lists of loan recipients and then
comparing those to ownership records for these companies to identify
politicians that have benefited from loans. So far, no one has disputed
the leaked lists, suggesting that they are genuine.
The investigations into these entanglements of politicians have been
very public and careful. This contrasts sharply with past practice,
where finger-pointing has produced a perception of pervasive political
corruption, but few prosecutions.
The current investigations have already led the current minister of
food, agriculture, and light industry, B Batzorig, a member of
parliament for the Mongolian People’s Party (MPP), to offer his
resignation. The chief prosecutor has requested parliament to revoke
Batzorig’s parliamentary immunity.
Online Protests
So far, protests have primarily occurred on social media, especially
Twitter. Mongolians are avid social media users as was shown in the
rapid mobilization when a Turkish educator was threatened to be abducted
by alleged Turkish security agents in July. Even more than in that
mobilization, this past week Mongolians have been rallying around
Twitter hashtags like #Ждү to voice their frustrations.
So far, however, few protests have materialized on the streets,
although they have been announced for the coming weekend. Whether
outrage will lead to demonstrations or even large-scale protests will
depend on the government’s reactions to the allegations. While most of
those implicated are members in the MPP’s parliamentary supermajority,
MPP Prime Minister U Khurelsukh has not been implicated. His reaction
will be closely watched for whether he will initiate genuine
investigations that might lead to prosecutions or will try to downplay
his party’s entanglement. Speaker of parliament M Enkhbold is not
directly mentioned in SME Fund publications so far, even though his
involvement in the apparent auctioning of state offices in a disputed 2016 whistleblower video robs him of much legitimacy in accusing others of corruption. President Battulga’s family also appears to be implicated.
Constitutional Change or Revolution
It is not only political frustration that is in the air, but also
constitutional change. There has long been a sense that the division of
powers between the president and parliament, as well as the prime
minister, has not been clear enough. In a potentially volatile
situation, such discussions might turn into an argument for
authoritarian rule, a soft coup of sorts. However, none of the suspects
for such an attempted grab for power, most prominently Battulga, has
much credibility in the current context. If the reaction to allegations
by the Khurelsukh government is seen as wanting by many protesters,
anger might quickly turn at parliament, with demands for resignations.
In a small population, many urban professionals will have
acquaintances who applied for support from the SME Fund but were denied,
which will lend urgency to protests. Professor Otgontugs indicated in
an online interview that there are “28 special funds like the SME Fund”
suggesting that more evidence of malfeasance is yet to come.
Whether new political forces that are more devoted to a fight against
corruption than the current political duopoloy of the MPP and the
Democratic Party would emerge from new elections is not clear. It does
seem likely, however, that attention to evidence will fuel distrust of
political parties further and will ultimately lead to upheavals in
democratic Mongolia.
Source:The Diplomat website
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