Showing posts with label Mongolia Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mongolia Politics. Show all posts

Mongolian president proposes again to postpone parliamentary elections

ULAN BATOR, April 6 (Xinhua) -- Mongolian President Khaltmaa Battulga on Monday once again proposed to postpone the country's parliamentary elections, citing economic risks caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.
Battulga made the proposal while delivering a speech at the opening ceremony of a regular spring session of the country's parliament.
"We need to take several measures to prevent and mitigate the risk of a possible recession due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Particularly, I believe that there is no other way but to postpone this year's parliamentary elections," Battulga told lawmakers.
In late March, he made a six-point proposal, including postponing parliamentary elections, to prepare the Mongolian people for a possible recession caused by the pandemic.
The legislative elections are scheduled for June 24.
Mongolia's parliament, the State Great Khural, is unicameral, consisting of 76 lawmakers with each serving a four-year term.
The previous parliamentary elections in Mongolia were held in June 2016.
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Mongolia to hold parliamentary elections in June

ULAN BATOR, Jan. 31 (Xinhua) -- Mongolia has set June 24 as the date for this year's parliamentary elections, the parliament's press office said Friday.
The resolution to set June 24 as the date of the election was approved by lawmakers on Thursday evening, the Mongolian authorities said.
Mongolia's State Great Khural, the country's parliament, is unicameral, and consists of 76 lawmakers, whose term lasts four years.
The previous parliamentary elections in Mongolia were held on June 29, 2016. Enditem
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Former Prime Minister of Mongolia Retains Amsterdam & Partners LLP to Defend against Politically Motivated Charges

"Judicial independence and rule of law are under attack by the current Government of Mongolia," says lawyer Robert Amsterdam
LONDONJan. 22, 2020 /PRNewswire/ -- Chimediin Saikhanbileg, who served as Prime Minister of the Government of Mongolia from 2014-2016, has retained Amsterdam & Partners LLP as international defence counsel in response to a series of fabricated criminal charges aimed at weakening democratic opposition in the country and seizing control over the country's mineral wealth.
Former Prime Minister Saikhanbileg is currently facing four charges stemming from his role in negotiating a 2015 agreement with mining firm Rio Tinto for the development and foreign investment in the Oyu Tolgoi underground copper mine project located in Khanbogd sum, prospectively the largest mining development in the country's history. "The charges against Saikhanbileg are thoroughly without merit and lack evidence," says lawyer Robert Amsterdam, founder of Amsterdam & Partners LLP.
"What we have in this case is a textbook example of the abuse of the anti-corruption process to commit a grave injustice, including direct personal interventions by Government officials with judges to rig politically motivated outcomes against their opponents," says Amsterdam. "Former Prime Minister Saikhanbileg is innocent of these farcical charges, and we intend to shine a light on the abuses being committed in this case."
After being unlawfully detained in Mongolia without proper judicial orders, former Prime Minister Saikhanbileg is currently in the United States. Numerous other members of the opposition Democratic Party, the independent judiciary, and members of media have come under intense pressure since the 2017 election of President Battulga Khaltmaa. Organisations such as Transparency International and Amnesty International have issued sharp warnings about President Battulga's expansion of presidential powers, including a new law he passed allowing him to dismiss judges and senior members of the nation's legal system via his role as chairman of the National Security Council.
"Former Prime Minister Saikhanbileg negotiated these mining agreements with full transparency and parliamentary authority conforming to the letter of the law," says Amsterdam. "This baseless campaign of persecution represents not only an attack on the country's judicial system, but also damages Mongolia's foreign investment profile by engaging in blatant resource nationalism."
Amsterdam & Partners LLP intends to explore a broad range of response options on behalf of former Prime Minister Saikhanbileg, with further announcements coming soon.
James Kimer
President
Media Theory LLC
917-355-0717
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Mongolia to write off loans of all pensioners

ULAN BATOR, Jan. 1 (Xinhua) -- The National Security Council of Mongolia led by the country's president has decided to write off the loans of all pensioners in the country.
President Khaltmaa Battulga announced the decision on Tuesday night while extending New Year greetings to his people via media.
"I am happy to announce that the National Security Council of Mongolia has decided to pay off the loans of all pensioners ... with the aim to help them get out of debt," he said.
It is not yet clear when the decision will be implemented.
There are over 380,000 seniors who receive retirement pensions in the country, and more than half of them have taken out loans, according to statistics.
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OUTLOOK 2020 Mongolia

Politics
The 2020 parliamentary election looms over Mongolia as populist politics continue to keep the country in a deadlock that has so far lasted a quarter of a century. Dubbed a “democratic oasis” for its geographic placement between two authoritarian giants, Russia and China, Mongolia may have the status of parliamentary republic, but when it comes to getting things done, the role of the legislature is often paralysing. Chronic issues facing the country include slow progress in approving major projects and little momentum in addressing environmental issues such as air pollution in the capital, Ulaanbaatar.  
Meanwhile, there are uncertainties over the 2021 re-election prospects of Populist Mongolian President Battulga Khaltmaa, a former Sambo wrestler who won the presidency as a member of the centre-right Democratic Party (DP) in 2017. He is not exactly close to his party and is more of a Donald Trumpesque figure than a regular politician. Analysts say the return to active politics of a former Mongolian president, Elbegdorj Tsakhia, who held office from 2009 to 2017, might pose further difficulties for Battulga. If Elbegdorj gets in the way of Battulga getting the DP nomination, the centre-left Mongolian People’s Party (MPP) would be unlikely to let the president run as their candidate. However, the DP may struggle to find a viable alternative to Battulga, a politician who opponents fear might be attempting to sway Mongolia towards strongman politics and away from democracy.
Generally, Mongolian parliamentary election cycles see citizens overwhelmingly vote against the party controlling the parliament out of frustration that the sitting government has failed to achieve its promises. Actual policymaking is thus completely divorced from the group holding power at any given moment. The ball—the ball being control over parliament—constantly rolls back and forth between the MPP and DP, with no concrete implications for policy.
Elections are charged with nationalist discourse over Mongolia’s mineral-rich resources. Candidates attempt to capitalise on ordinary Mongolians’ distrust of foreign mining companies. Mongolians typically exist in a constant state of anger that their mining wealth has yielded no benefits for them, but only for a privileged few. The majority of the electorate appears to favour public ownership of Mongolia’s mines. More of the same can be expected in 2020—with the mining sector providing the main political weapon. 
The situation has long been inconvenient for Anglo-Australian miner Rio Tinto’s flagship Oyu Tolgoi copper and gold project. The successes and failures of its mine are often seen as a barometer for the general state of foreign investment in Mongolia. Oyu Tolgoi is 66%-owned by Rio Tinto’s subsidiary Turquoise Hill Resources, while 34% is held by the government.
In 2019, Rio Tinto faced difficulties after calls by a parliamentary working group to enact changes to the terms of the Oyu Tolgoi expansion deal. Legislators complained that under the agreement as it stood, Mongolia would not be seeing any dividends until 2039. Mongolia funds its share of the mine’s development costs via loans provided by Rio Tinto and its lenders. The debt is repaid by deferring dividends. Rio has previously expressed support for “win-win solutions” to this matter such as by lowering project funding costs.
The uncertainty faced by Rio dissipated in December when it announced that a new government resolution “effectively re-confirm[ed] the validity of all the investment agreements between the Government of Mongolia, Rio Tinto and Turquoise Hill Resources”. The statement came after the parliament gave unanimous approval to a resolution instructing the government to find ways to improve the implementation of the 2009 Investment Agreement, the 2011 Amended & Restated Shareholder Agreement and the 2015 Underground Mine Development & Financing Plan. The development ended an 18-month review of the investment agreements governing the operation and development of the Oyu Tolgoi mine by the Parliamentary Working Group.

This does not mean, however, that if the current MPP-run parliament was to be replaced by a DP-controlled one in 2020, more mining sector anxieties would not arise for Rio to tackle.
Business
The Oyu Tolgoi mine expansion project was originally set to see its first output by around 2020, but that is now not likely to occur until the second half of 2021. Such a delay would hurt the mine’s free cash flow. The longer period needed to complete the project has been caused by management failures and geopolitical obstacles, which pushed the expansion costs up to $6bn-$8bn, compared to the original $5.3bn. Oyu Tolgoi has been producing copper and gold since 2013
Mongolia’s economy in 2018 and 2019 benefited greatly from another major segment of its mining sector—coal. Coal mining saw a 38.1% y/y surge in the first 11 months of 2019, due to growing coal exports to China. Beijing replaced North Korean coal with Mongolian coal in 2017 in a sanctions response against North Korea's nuclear testing activities. China has also been replacing coal exports from Australia with Mongolian coal. Mongolian coal shipments to China grew by 12% y/y to $2.947bn in January-November.
Amid the coal boom, Mongolian state-owned coal miner Erdenes Tavan Tolgoi earlier this year picked banks for its planned Hong Kong initial public offering (IPO) to raise over $1bn. They reportedly include Bank of America and Credit Suisse Group. The company operates the Tavan Tolgoi coal mine, located in the Gobi desert. It is the largest coal ore deposit in Mongolia, estimated as having a total of over 6bn tonnes of coal with more than one-third of that is high-grade hard coking coal.
A successful sale of shares in Hong Kong would mark the third attempt to raise money to develop the Tavan Tolgoi mine following the failure of international partnerships in 2011 and 2015. In 2018, Mongolian lawmakers approved a plan to sell up to 30% of Tavan Tolgoi. No specific details exist on the size and timing of the offering and, as such, it is unknown whether the offering will take place in 2020 or later. 
On another front, Mongolia’s livestock industry, once the primary engine of the country’s economy, is facing threats from climate change and overgrazing, according to a report from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The national and regional costs to economic growth and inequality from this environmental threat are expected to continue to grow without prompt policy action, the Fund argued.
Mongolia’s livestock industry accounts for nearly 90% of agricultural production and employs 25% of Mongolians, providing more jobs than any other sector. Major challenges are arising in the sector as hotter and drier summers along with massive overgrazing have resulted in sharply accelerating land degradation. The damaged land, in turn, harms the food supply for the livestock and leaves animals poorly prepared to survive increasingly frequent extreme bouts of cold weather. Land degradation and desertification have also contributed to the formation of “yellow dust storms”, which contribute to rising health and economic costs.
The government has attempted to stem the land degradation with official livestock targets in the National Livestock Programme by setting limits on the number of livestock, which reflect the carrying capacity of the grasslands. The measures, however, have gone mostly unheeded and actual livestock numbers are twice the required levels.
Without prompt action, 2020 is likely to witness the continuation of this environmental trend. The likelihood of this is compounded by the government’s resolution adopted in September to grant monetary incentives to members of herder cooperatives and citizens with livestock who supply sheep wool and camel wool to the nation’s wool processing plants. That continues the government-approved four-year programme from 2018 to boost the country’s cashmere industry and value-added wool-products in an effort to diversify Mongolia’s mining-dependent economy. However, this is likely to encourage further overgrazing and thus land degradation.
Mongolia is the world's second-largest producer of raw and washed cashmere as the country’s goat population amounts to 27mn and its annual cashmere production capacity stands at 9,400 tonnes.
The overall business environment in Mongolia has lately improved only slightly according to the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business latest ranking. The Mongolian score edged up just 0.1 of a point to 67.8 year on year.
In terms of the country’s Ease of Doing Business ranking, Mongolia fell to 80th position from 74th.

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