Showing posts with label Mongolia in international media. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mongolia in international media. Show all posts

Can Mongolia’s elections shun democratic backsliding?

Authors: Byambajav Dalaibuyan, Mongolian Institute for Innovative Policies and Julian Dierkes, UBC
On 24 June 2020, Mongolia will hold its eighth parliamentary election since adopting its 1992 democratic constitution. This election is significant at a time when democracy worldwide increasingly appears under threat. It will assess the state of Mongolia’s democracy — which has exhibited signs of weakening — and whether the country can buck a global democratic backsliding trend.

A total of 606 candidates, representing 13 political parties and 4 coalitions as well as 121 independents, will compete in the election. Both the incumbent Mongolian People’s Party (MPP) — which won 65 of 76 seats in 2016 — and the opposition Democratic Party (DP) are running candidates in all 76 election districts.
The record number of 121 independent candidates is a response to perceptions of failure of the Mongolian party system. Public trust in the two established political parties and parliament has dropped. Frustration and anger has been building over the incompetence of many members of parliament and their direct involvement in the embezzlement of state funds in recent years.
Last November, the MPP-dominated parliament adopted amendments to the 1992 constitution intended to strengthen Mongolia’s parliamentary system of government, judicial independence and government stability. The amendments are particularly important as President Khaltmaa Battulga has become increasingly hostile towards parliamentary democracy and judicial independence. The next parliament will need to adopt further laws to fully implement the amendments.
Five candidates, two from the MPP and three from the DP, have been arrested since the election campaign started. These arrests are politically motivated and target politicians who have been in conflict with either Prime Minister Ukhnaa Khurelsukh or President Battulga. The General Election Committee has not reacted to these violations of candidates’ rights.

For more, go to following links.
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How Great Power Competition Is Changing the Geopolitics of Mongolia

HIGHLIGHTS
  • To protect its sovereignty and independence, Mongolia has walked a geopolitical tightrope tethered by a "good neighbor" policy with Russia and China and a "third neighbor" policy with the United States and other countries.
  • The great power competition among China, Russia and the United States is changing the calculus on Mongolian sovereignty; the most visible feature of that competition is China's emergent regional and global hegemony.
  • For Mongolia, deepening its relationship with Russia and its strategic alliances with select allies will strengthen prospects for a hard global pushback from multiple directions should China ever decide to seriously threaten Mongolia's sovereignty and independence.
Mongolia is in a uniquely precarious situation, geographically, demographically and economically. Landlocked and isolated in East Asia, it has the lowest population density of any sovereign nation in the world. Its 3 million people, in a country about the size of Alaska, are dwarfed by 133 million Russians to the north and 1.4 billion Chinese to the south. It also has one of the coldest climates in the world. While these factors greatly constrain Mongolia economically, it has the world's best cashmere, huge eco- and cultural tourism potential and — most critically — an enormous mineral resource endowment.

Mongolia in the 20th Century

Mongolia has a proud cultural history dating to the founding of the Mongol Empire (1206-1368). Its later occupation by China's Qing dynasty lasted from 1691 to 1911, when Mongolia deposed the local ruler and declared independence. The 1915 Treaty of Kyakhta briefly reestablished Chinese control, but Russia helped Mongolia finally expel the Chinese after the 1917 October Revolution.

The Soviet Red Army settled in, abolished the Mongolian monarchy in 1924, and used Mongolia as a buffer with China. Mongolia maintained good relations with both China and the Soviet Union until the Sino-Soviet schism of the 1950s. By 1968 the Soviets had six military divisions in Mongolia, which Russia kept there until December 1992.

After the Cold War

Russia's departure left Mongolia facing two major problems. The most immediate was a severe economic crisis. Russia had accounted for 40 percent of Mongolia's national income, all of its gasoline, 90 percent of its imported machinery and half of its consumer goods. As Russia withdrew, Mongolia's economy effectively collapsed.
The second problem was existential. For the first time, Mongolia was truly on its own. Although Beijing recognized its independence in 1945, China by some accounts still harbors latent territorial designs on Mongolia. Some see Mongolia as part of China's historical domain, and Mongolian elites are concerned that younger and more nationalistic Chinese could press for annexation. China's history with Inner Mongolia, Tibet, Hong Kong and Taiwan — as well as Mongolia itself — isn't reassuring.
Because of this, protecting its sovereignty and preserving its independence is Mongolia's top priority. Its strategy has been to walk a geopolitical tightrope tethered by two policies: a "good neighbor" policy with Russia and China, and a "third neighbor" policy to build ties to other countries — especially the United States, Japan, South Korea, India, Germany, the United Kingdom, Australia and Canada.
In the three-dimensional chess game of Mongolian geopolitics, great power competition is now changing the calculus on Mongolian sovereignty.
After the Cold War, rooted in Francis Fukuyama's idea that the end of history was nigh, there was great initial enthusiasm for a lasting new liberal international order. That notion proved both illusory and short-lived. By 2014 great power competition had fully reemerged, bringing with it a fundamental shift in the international security environment. In the three-dimensional chess game of Mongolian geopolitics, great power competition is now changing the calculus on Mongolian sovereignty.

Beijing's Changing Calculus

The most visible feature of great power competition is China's emergent regional and global hegemony. It relies on using big infrastructure as leverage, built in countries of strategic importance through its Belt and Road Initiative.
One of the initiative's six transnational corridors would connect China to Eastern Europe via Mongolia and Russia. That would open new mineral export markets for Mongolia and help it develop as a regional logistics hub. China appears to be slow-rolling the project, however, even as it rapidly builds expensive infrastructure around the globe.
The U.S.-China trade war affects Mongolia directly. China now dominates important parts of Mongolia's economy, buying about 80 percent of its exports — primarily copper, coal and gold. This geo-economic reality renders Mongolia highly vulnerable to Chinese economic fluctuations, a factor contributing to the International Monetary Fund's $5.5 billion bailout of Mongolia in 2017.
Economic leverage is a potent tool of Chinese foreign policy. In 2016 it slapped import tariffs on Mongolian goods as punishment for the Dalai Lama's visit. With China now weaponizing its 80 percent share of global rare earth production, the geopolitics surrounding Mongolia's rare earth deposits are likely to heat up.
Perhaps the most consequential impact on Mongolia derives from the new political, economic and military alliance formed by Russia and China to counter the United States. As the Sino-Russian alliance strengthens, Mongolia's value as a buffer state will weaken.

Moscow's Changing Calculus

Moscow, however, still sees China as a potential long-term threat. Balancing China's influence in Mongolia is a priority, and Russia is attempting to rebuild and strengthen its economic ties there. It supplies about 80 percent of Mongolia's oil market, and trade has grown nearly 40 percent since 2017. In 2019 the two countries announced a strategic partnership that includes a $1.5 billion infrastructure investment fund, an upgrade of the trans-Mongolian railway and possible routing through Mongolia of a Russia-China natural gas pipeline.
Russia worries that if its 3,485-kilometer (2,165-mile) border with Mongolia falls under Chinese control, its Siberian underbelly would be exposed. Meanwhile, Russian territorial issues elsewhere concern Mongolia because of their potential to strengthen Chinese arguments for reoccupation. These include Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 and its negotiations with Japan over the Kuril Islands.

Washington's Changing Calculus

While Mongolia's location is strategically important, the United States has broader interests in the country. These include commerce, democracy, security, nonproliferation, trade, investment, sovereignty, the rule of law, peacekeeping and North Korea. What the United States most wants, however, is to see Mongolia remain a sovereign and independent state — one that is successful, prosperous and plays a constructive role in the region and beyond.

The U.S. national defense and security strategies — both constructed around great power competition — are opening doors for bilateral and regional cooperation that can strengthen Mongolia's geopolitical hand.
The significance of democracy in U.S. foreign policy has arguably declined. But the U.S. national defense and security strategies — both constructed around great power competition — are opening doors for bilateral and regional cooperation that can strengthen Mongolia's geopolitical hand. These include the U.S. emphasis on Russia and China, the U.S. pivot to the Indo-Pacific and U.S. outreach to North Korea — where Mongolia is positioned well to facilitate peace negotiations.

The Upshot

Ultimately, the final guarantor of Mongolian sovereignty remains Russia. It has a clear and enduring interest in an independent Mongolia, and its strategic control over Mongolia's energy and transportation sectors would make it a formidable adversary in the event of future Chinese threats, be they economic, political or military.
Mongolia under President Khaltmaa Battulga is deepening that relationship, but it also needs to strengthen the threat of hard global pushback from multiple directions should an aggressive China ever decide to move on it. To do that, Mongolia needs to deepen its strategic alliances with select allies, and build regional bridges in peace and security in the Indo-Pacific.
At the geographical nexus of great power competition, Mongolia has its work cut out for it.
Jeff Goodson is a retired U.S. Foreign Service officer. Dr. Jonathan Addleton was the U.S. ambassador to Mongolia from 2009 to 2012.



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This dad took his son to Mongolia just to get him off his phone

How do you get a teen to put down their phone and talk to you? Jamie Clarke went all the way to Mongolia to find out.
Riding through a remote valley in Mongolia on the back of his motorbike, adventurer Jamie Clarke let the hum of the engine and the wind echo in his mind while his thoughts wandered.
After several hours, he pulled over to shake off his helmet and take a look at the map.
This was what he loved about adventuring - the solitude, the landscape and the feeling of being in charge of your own destiny.
But when his 18-year-old son pulled up right behind him on his own motorcycle, he had a different take on the long ride they had just finished.
For him, being alone in his thoughts was novel and unsettling.
"Oh my God, that was terrible! I can't be left with my brain like that!"

But that was precisely why the two had decided to embark on this adventure together.
Mr Clarke, a lifelong skier, mountaineer and trekker, had felt like he was losing touch with his son Khobe, who was always on his phone at their home in Calgary, Alberta.
He blames himself, partly. He has a smartphone just like everyone else, and he enjoyed playing games with his son on his Blackberry when he was small.
"If there's any addiction that we have today as individuals and as a family, we (the parents) perpetuated it," Mr Clarke told the BBC. "They're cool devices, but we began to feel like they were controlling us and not vice versa."
The issue had come to a head a few years before, when Mr Clarke went with his family to a remote ski lodge for a weekend to celebrate his 50th birthday.
The area had no wi-fi and no cell reception.
"I had never before that experienced a weekend without my phone, essentially," Khobe told the BBC. "It was very weird for me."

Khobe admits that at the time he was angry that he had to go, and miserable because without Snapchat or Instagram, he had no idea what his friends back home were up to.
That got his father thinking about the role technology had come to play in his family life - and about how to fix it.
For a long time, he had dreamed of travelling across Mongolia on a bike. Now that his son was older, why not do it with him?
About a year ago, he proposed it to Khobe. It wasn't an automatic hit.
"I said no pretty quickly," Khobe says.
"But it kind of turned into this fun idea… it became such a thing of preparation that it was very exciting to go do it."
Khobe got his motorcycle licence and the two practised longer trips. While his father has climbed Everest twice, Khobe had never climbed a mountain so he had to practise that, too.
They left on 28 July, and over the course of the next month travelled more than 2,200 kilometres (1,367 miles) across Mongolia by motorbike, horse and camel.
Although the journey was certainly Instagrammable, they refrained from posting their photos online until after they returned.
Khobe says being away from his phone was a challenge.
"I think the whole time I was pretty consumed by missing my phone," he says. "You realise how boring everything gets. When I'm bored I can just turn on YouTube or watch Netflix. What am I going to do, look at the stars and twiddle my thumbs?"
But he also says getting to know his dad was worth it, especially the time they spent off the road in their tents or yurts just cooking and bonding.
"I was surprised that when he's away from a work environment and family that he acts maybe closer my age," he says.
Similarly, Mr Clarke was surprised to learn how mature his son was when they weren't confined to their typical father-son parenting dynamic.
"It helped me see Khobe in a new way. I saw him as a kid who kept leaving his jacket on the table, not cleaning up the dishes," he says. "And I was able to see him step up to being a young man, and I was impressed by how well he was able to perform under pressure."
You don't have to go all to the other side of the world just to bond with your children, says Caroline Knorr, the parenting editor for Common Sense Media, a non-profit organisation that educates parents about media and technology.

"Parents can establish screen-free time zones in the house all year round, but especially around vacations," she says.
She says try and do fun things during unplugged time, like play a game, go for a walk or even watch a movie.
It's easy around the holidays to find yourself reaching for your phone while you're lying around the sofa, but Ms Knorr says it's important to model the behaviour you want your children to adopt.
"The really important thing is for parents to communicate why that's valuable. Why it's a family value to have unconnected, unplugged time as human beings," she says.
"Say explicitly 'I'm turning off my phone so we can have family time'."
Ms Knorr says it's also important to not demonise technology, or your children for using it.
"I think a lot of time parents become really worried that 'it's the media that's changing my kids' behaviour'," she says.
"But really what is leading that behaviour is a natural normal part of development where kids are becoming interested in pop culture and not as interested in family time."
This natural part of teenagehood is compounded by social apps like Tik Tok and Snapchat, however, which are designed to keep users on for as long as possible in order to make money from advertising.
"It's a double whammy," Ms Knorr says.

Mr Clarke says now that their trip is over, he and his son are trying to apply some of the lessons they learned to their everyday life.
"I've got to realise that technology is valuable and use it, and he's realising how consuming it is. And maybe both of us need to remind ourselves who's in control - you or the app," he says.
Khobe says he's trying to make technology something he "wants to do, not has to do".
"When you're in a group of people and you're supposed to have social interaction time, but everyone's on their phone, that's when I've tried to change my habits," he says.
"It's rude to not give people your undivided attention."

Source:BBC.com
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Is it true that Trump Jr, President Trump's son, hunted wild sheep without a permit in Mongolia?

Hunting is an important part of our culture. It is difficult to imagine Mongols without hunting. So for us hunting is normal.
Mongolia has been issuing hunting permits since 1960s for argali, bighorn sheep and for yangir, ibex, when my country was still socialist. Brave western souls would come to Mongolia for the ultimate big game, a ram.
Annually, the Government issues around 80 hunting permits per year. The hunting season is very short and starts from July 1st and ends on October 1st. You can hunt only in certain locations. If I am not mistaken, there is also a limit to how many times you can shoot. But in general, after the first miss you need days to find another one.
Around 20 local companies that specialise in big game hunting receive the permission. Each permit costs around 20,000 dollars upfront. If the company cannot find a hunter, the permit expires. You would not be reimbursed. The companies usually receive the permit at the beginning of the year and would usually go to specialised hunting expos worldwide to find clients.
Big game hunting is not something that you can decide on a spur of moment. You need to plan months in advance. My friend, who organises big game hunting tours, would usually call his local hunters on the status of the sheep all the time. To hunt you need to find them first. Only male sheep, rams, are allowed to be hunted. If they cannot find the right ram of appropriate size, the hunting is over.
So I doubt that Trump Jr. would go hiking in the western mountains of Mongolia and suddenly decide to do hunting. Usually hunters bring in their own riffles. Bringing rifles to Mongolia by itself is a bureaucratic nightmare. Some hunters would even bring their dogs for hunting. So I doubt a specialised tour company would organise hunting without permission. I doubt a hunter would pay 20,000 dollars to a company without permission. It is not worth the penalty. And when all the law enforcement agencies are traveling with you it is doubly not worth it.

By Anand Nyamdavaa

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Mongolian family is featured in WSJ article titled " Hungary, Loudly Opposed to Immigration, Opens Doors to More Foreign Workers"

Orbán’s government recently began expediting work permits amid strong growth, declining population, rising wages


A Mongolian flag is hoisted above the entrance to the Chinbat family home, on a quiet street here in Mór.
It isn’t a rare sight in this part of Central Europe. About a hundred Mongolians live in this town, as do immigrants from other parts of the world.
Borolzoi and Narandelger Chinbat, a married couple who work in a factory that manufactures car seats, are among tens of thousands of foreign workers who recently moved to Hungary, lured by the country’s rapid economic growth and acute labor shortage.
Under Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, Hungary has been one of the most stridently anti-immigration voices in the European Union. Yet officials have been less vocal about the country’s own legal-immigration regime—which recently became one of Europe’s most liberal.
Government officials couldn’t be reached for comment for this article.

Hungary is suffering from a severe labor shortage caused by decades of emigration and declining birthrates. Hungary’s population dropped by some 300,000 to 9.7 million in the past decade. Given robust economic growth and low unemployment, wages have been rising fast—nearly 12% this year alone. Employers are struggling to fill about 80,000 vacancies.
About a year ago, Mr. Orbán’s government began expediting work permits, a move to attract qualified foreign workers who might have otherwise been drawn to more affluent nations in Western Europe. Under rules enacted in 2017 and 2018, recruiting companies are able to obtain permits in weeks instead of months.
Since then, immigrants from Ukraine, Mongolia, India, Vietnam and other countries have been popping up in factories, on construction sites and in farms. The Hungarian government even invested in an advertising campaign to recruit workers from Ukraine and Serbia. Citizens of those two countries are now free to work without a permit in over 100 trades where vacancies are particularly high.

Some 50,000 foreigners held work permits in Hungary in 2018 when the new rules kicked in, a 43% increase from the previous year, according to government statistics. The government hasn’t released statistics covering the time period since the start of the new rules, and it is difficult to estimate recent totals of foreign workers. Ferenc Dávid, a Hungarian labor economist and former head of the National Alliance of Employers, an employer association, estimates the figure to be between 150,000 and 200,000.
György Gaskó employs 21 Indian workers at one of his dairy farms. He says the government has made it much easier to hire from overseas. But heavy competition from Poland and Slovakia means he is often forced to add his own incentives.
The policy, he said, was “hugely controversial here because the government, especially Mr. Orbán, constantly speaks against foreigners.”
Mr. Orbán told a conference this month that governments shouldn’t accept immigration—which he referred to as “population replacement”—as a solution to their demographic woes.
Csongor Juhász, co-founder of Prohuman Ltd., a recruitment company that operates in several European countries, including Germany, said it was now easier to hire overseas workers in Hungary than in other EU countries.

He said he had been able to get work permits approved swiftly for automotive, construction and logistics workers from Ukraine, India and Vietnam. Typically, waiting time for groups of dozens or even hundreds of workers is eight to 21 days, compared with up to several months previously.

He and other recruiters now offer free accommodation and subsidized meals as well as provide interpreters and return trips to workers’ home countries.
Ms. Chinbat, who works as a seamstress in the Mór car-seat factory, said she enjoys life in Hungary, even though she and her husband don’t speak the language. She and her husband plan on applying for permanent residency once they have spent three years in the country.
Work permits in Hungary typically are valid for two to three years. With renewals, some provide a pathway to permanent residency and, eventually, citizenship.
Several recruiters said they had more difficulty bringing in citizens of Muslim countries, though they have had some success in the case of highly skilled specialists.
Essam Tarik, a 23-year-old software engineer from Egypt, moved to Budapest with his wife in November to work at a tech company.
“I quite like it here, and I plan to stay longer,” said Mr. Tarik. Two of his colleagues, both software engineers who joined the company this year, were recruited in Brazil.
Figures from Eurostat, the EU statistics agency, showed the biggest migrant groups to be awarded residency permits—which also cover the right to work—in Hungary in 2017 were Ukrainians, Chinese and Serbs. By contrast, Syrians, Afghans and Iraqis, all from Muslim countries, were the most-represented nationalities among foreigners receiving residency in Germany that year.
The liberal opposition to Mr. Orbán’s nationalist Fidesz party has criticized the government for being too lax on immigration. Roland Márton, a Socialist Party politician from the western city of Székesfehérvár, has campaigned against the influx of about 2,000 Ukrainian workers to his community, which has been partially funded by the local government. He said the foreign workers have pushed down wages and strained the local government’s budget and services.

Other countries in the region with governments that have spoken out against immigration have quietly adopted similar policies. Poland, with a population of 38 million, issued 680,000 first-time residency permits in 2017—a record for any EU country in a single year, according to Eurostat—and significantly more than Germany or France, which have 82 million and 67 million inhabitants, respectively. More than 86% of the Polish permits went to Ukrainians, some two million of whom now live in Poland.
A draft of the Polish government’s new immigration policy leaked in August and reviewed by The Wall Street Journal asserted that Muslims are often incapable of integration and that immigration should come from culturally close countries. The government declined to comment on the draft.
Mr. Dávid, the Hungarian labor economist, said immigration would continue to increase as the region’s most skilled workers keep being drawn to Western Europe by higher wages.
“This is it not a tragedy from the point of view of employment policy, nor is it a tragedy for society,” Mr. Dávid said. “This is quite normal.”

Source:Wall Street Journal
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Horses To Water


It was a scorching summer afternoon on the steppe of Mongolia, and I was thinking about the horses. They’d run through our camp the previous night — a group of 15 or 20, trotting along with a sort of directionless intent, a trickle in the massive sea of livestock that inhabited the Mongolian plains. As simple obstacles in their path, they had afforded us little more than a glance. But at this point, I recognized them — a small chestnut foal, tagging close beside its mother, had marked the herd as the same one that had woken me up early a few mornings before as they grazed outside my tent. This afternoon, they were heading in the opposite direction. I wondered if they took this route every day, going back and forth from one site to the next, constantly in a search for greener pastures.
I, too, had come to Mongolia in search of something. I had come to the eastern steppe as part of an expedition looking to map all the archaeological sites in the region of a mountain called Delgerkhaan Uul. On good days, my phone’s pedometer recorded upwards of 10 miles. At that very moment, however, I wasn’t thinking about the distance I had walked that day, or the distance I still had yet to walk. Rather, I found myself concerned with how those horses stayed hydrated when there was not a drop of water in sight. The steppe is a harsh place in the summer, and I was beginning to feel it.
I was roused from my stupor by a tap on my shoulder. Gamba, a charming middle-aged Mongolian man who was our team’s driver, beckoned me toward his Soviet-era vehicle that he managed to keep in excellent condition. He and I communicated mostly through hand signals and context clues — while I had basic greetings down in Mongolian, and Gamba had some words in English, it really wasn’t enough to get by in a conversation. Frequently, this led to bouts of miscommunication, but I knew exactly what this sign meant — it was time to refill our water supply.
In the Mongolian countryside, locals engage in little to no farming. Nomadic Mongolians prefer to keep large quantities of animals — sheep, goats, cows, horses and occasionally camels were given relatively free reign across the steppe, apart from the occasional herder on a motorbike attempting to bring them home. This lack of permanent settlement and agriculture results in minimal and scattered water infrastructure. That, combined with the rocky dirt roads, meant that whenever we went to get water for camp, we needed to drive for a half an hour before reaching the nearest well.
After loading the empty water drums into the car, we headed off toward the well, listening to Gamba’s preferred mix of European and Russian techno club music. I stared out the window at the stark beauty of the land around me as Gamba used his horn to scatter the goats grazing on the road. The landscape was rocky and sandy, with dispersed groups of dense shrub growth not yet completely eaten by wildlife. But the most exceptional sight was that of the sky. Stretching for miles in every direction, the vibrant blue seemed almost fake to me, like the backdrop of a Romantic landscape painting designed to inspire an intense appreciation for nature. One can easily see why the blue on the Mongolian flag represents the eternal blue sky.
At the well, we were met by two other people who had come to water their animals. While they chatted with Gamba, I used a beat-up metal bucket and rope to bring water up from the depths and pour it into our canisters. When I had asked Gamba, through a translator, how old the well was, he had just shrugged. For all anyone knew, it had been used since the time of the Mongol Empire.
Sweat and ice cold water mixed together on my dirty cotton T-shirt as Gamba and I hoisted the barrels into the car. As he started the behemoth, he switched out the USB drive in his radio, and the soft sound of American country music began to crackle through the car speakers. As Gamba hummed along, I thought of the soccer we would play with the Mongolian students later and the vodka we would share before the evening was out.
We pulled up to camp, and I quickly refilled my water bottle. As I took a sip, eyes on the horizon, I could have sworn I saw the horses.
Jake Kalodner | jake.kalodner@yale.edu .

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